Binary Economics: An Overview
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A B S T R A C T
Based on "binary economics" this paper suggests that one overlooked way
to empower economically poor and working people in market economy is to
universalize the right to acquire capital with the earnings of capital. This right
(which is rarely identified or discussed in law schools) is presently concentrated less
than 5 % of the population. The concentration of the right to acquire capital with the
earnings of capital helps to explain why the poor remain subordinated.
Foundationally distinct from classical, neoclassical, Keynesian, post-Keynesian,
monetarist, and socialist economics, binary economics specifically offers a unique
explanation for the persistence of poverty and the unutilized productive capacity to
eliminate it. Compared to right-wing, left-wing, and mixed economic strategies,
binary economics reveals a voluntary, market-based strategy for producing much
greater and more broadly shared abundance without redistribution. These strategies
will help to empower and liberate people who are presently economically
subordinated. Based on objective standards of (1) reasonable, workable assumptions,
(2) internal consistency, and (3) plausible descriptions, predictions and prescriptions,
binary economics should be taught wherever right-wing, left-wing, and mixedcentrist approaches are taught.\
II. THE ALTERNATIVE ECONOMIC SYSTEM
3 "It is preferable to regard labour, including of course, the personal services of the entrepreneur
and his assistants, as the sole factor of production, operating in given environment of technique, natural
resources, capital equipment and effective demand. This is why we have been able to take labour as the
sole physical unit which we require in our economic system, apart from units of money and of time."
Keynes, General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money, Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc. (1936) pp.
213-214.
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Binary economics accepts the classical economics of Adam Smith as set forth in The Wealth
of Nations, but modifies Smith's analysis uniquely to account for the increasing role of capital in
production and distribution. Binary economics can be distinguished from Adam Smith's classical
economics and other economic schools by the following related propositions:
(1) Labor and capital are "equally fundamental" "independent" or
"binary" factors of (or "inputs to") production;
(2) Technology makes capital much more productive than labor; and
(3) Capital has a strong, positive, distributive relationship to growth, such that
the more broadly capital is acquired, the more it can be profitably employed
to increase output. (The principle of binary growth.)
Productivity and Productiveness: According to Adam Smith, the primary role of capital
is to increase labor productivity. Karl Marx, Alfred Marshall (widely credited for neoclassical
economics), and J.M. Keynes did not disagree. Indeed, in his General Theory, Keynes distilled the
economy to three fundamental, independent variables: time, money and labor and (Like Smith)
treated capital as a dependent variable.3 In binary economics, capital and labor are equally
fundamental, independent, or binary variables
According to the binary view of production, although labor and capital may cooperate (just
as people may cooperate) to do work, each factor (the human and the non-human) does its own work
and provides its own "productiveness." To understand the binary approach, it is important to
distinguish between "productivity" (which is the ratio of the output of all factors of production,
divided by the input of one factor, usually labor) and "productiveness" (a special focus of binary
economics, which retrospectively means "work done" and prospectively means "productive
capacity").
The "independent productiveness" of labor and capital can be illustrated by considering any
sort of work. Consider, for example, the work of sawing boards and hauling sacks. A person can
saw ten boards per hour with a hand saw, and one hundred boards per hour with a machine saw.
According to conventional economic analysis, compared to working with the hand saw, with the
machine saw the worker can saw ten times as many boards in the same time: so working with the
machine saw, the worker is said to have become ten times as productive. In other words, working
with the machine saw, the worker is said to have ten times the productivity as compared to working
with the hand saw. But when sawing each board with the help of the machine saw, the worker is
doing much less work. Per unit of output, the labor contribution to the production of sawed boards
has decreased. From a binary perspective, the worker is contributing no more than ten percent of
4 In this context, it should be noted that the "independent" in "independent productiveness" has a
particular meaning. It requires treating labor and capital as independent variables. As discussant Dr.
Ewang correctly observed, capital in many instances does not operate without people to operate it; and the
productive input of capital is therefore not in that operational sense independent of labor. Nevertheless,
there is more than one meaning of dependent and independent. Compared to the conventional economic
approach of Adam Smith and J.M. Keynes (that treats capital as a dependent variable and labor as the
only independent) productive variable, the binary approach treats capital and labor as independent (i.e.,
binary) variables. Thus, with the binary approach, the concept of independent productiveness does not
negate the fact that in many instances both capital and labor are generally needed to complete specific
kinds of work, or the fact that labor is needed to conceive of, design, create, operate, maintain, store, and
repair capital. But the work of conceiving, designing, creating, operating, maintaining, storing, and
repairing capital is not the work of the capital conceived, designed, created, operated, maintained, stored,
and repaired. Thus, although it takes a person to lead the horse, the work of leading is not the work of
hauling. If instead of leading a horse, the leader led ten people each carrying one sack, who would deny
the independent work (productiveness) of each of the ten human haulers merely because someone is
leading them? Likewise, although it takes a person to operate the hand saw and machine saw, and no
boards would be sawed without the worker, it is also true that no boards could be sawed without a saw,
and there is now automated machinery that can saw a great number of boards in a comparitively short
period of time with virtually no human input.
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the productiveness that was required to work with the hand saw, and the machine saw is doing
essentially all of the extra work.
The independent productiveness of capital is more clearly revealed in the work hauling
sacks: a person can haul one sack one mile in one hour and is exhausted; (1) with a horse, ten sacks
can be hauled four times as far (yielding a forty-fold increase in output) and (2) with a truck, five
hundred sacks can be hauled forty times as far (yielding a twenty thousand-fold increase in output).
According to the binary perspective, the horse and truck are doing essentially all of the extra work.4
The Six Powers Capital: Based on its "independent productiveness," capital has six powers
important to production, distribution, and growth. Capital can
(1) replace labor (by doing what was formerly done by labor);
(2) vastly supplement the work of labor by doing much more of the kind of work
that humans can do,
(3) do work that labor alone can never do (e.g., people cannot a single board
without a saw; elevators lift tons hundreds of feet in seconds; airplanes fly;
scientific instruments unleash forces that create computer chips that cannot
be made by hand; fruit trees make fruit while all farmers can do is assist in
the process);
(4) work without labor (as in the case of washing machines, automatic bank
tellers, gasoline dispensers, vending machines, automated factories, and fruitbearing
trees);
(5) pay for itself out of its future earnings (the basic rule of business investment); and
(6) distribute the income necessary to purchase its output
The first four powers concern what might be considered the "real economy" powers of capital; the
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latter two are powers that are most clearly revealed in a private property, market economy with a
stable credit system protected by a reliable legal system.
Each of these powers, when actually reflected in production, contributes to growth (including
mere labor replacement, which produces the same physical output, plus leisure), but only the first
power directly involves the mere substitution of capital for labor. Thus, although some economists
and policy advocates use the marginal efficiency theory of neoclassical economics as the foundation
for (or the primary component of) a general theory of growth, the capital/labor substitution process
is only one component of growth (operating after the creation of greatly increased productive
capacity); and from the binary perspective, the wealth enhancing contribution of market pricing and
resource allocation is severely limited so long as the distribution of capital acquisition remains
narrow. (See "Productiveness, Prices, Values, and Efficiency," below.)
Productiveness, Distribution, and Growth: When analyzing how production and
productive capacity have grown since the first publication of Smith's Wealth of Nations in1776,
conventional market economics interprets the role of capital as merely facilitative: capital increases
human productivity, thereby allowing for a rise in output per unit of labor, higher wages, and the
employment of more labor. According to binary economics, however, in contributing to economic
growth, capital does much more than increase the productivity of the people who work with it:
Increasingly capital is doing ever more of the work. The economic imperative is generally to
produce more with more productive capital and less labor. Although capital may be seen to
concentrate higher productivity into fewer workers, as the general rule, per unit of output and in the
aggregate, the primary effect of technological advance is to make capital more productive than labor
and thereby to replace and vastly supplement the productiveness of labor with ever greater capital
productiveness.
Moreover, because capital is independently productive, it works on both sides of the
production-consumption economic equation by providing vastly increased
(1) productive capacity and production, and
(2) capacity to distribute income and leisure.
According to binary economists, in a private property, market economy, it is the capacity of capital
both to do much more work and to distribute much more income and leisure that explains how
broadening capital ownership promotes greater employment of existing capacity, capital
accumulation, and growth. Thus, from a binary perspective, growth is primarily the result of
increasing capital productiveness and the distribution of its ownership rather than increasing
labor productivity.
Binary Growth: Noting that present demand for capital goods is dependent on demand for
consumer goods in a future period, binary economists reason that a voluntary pattern of steadily
broadening ownership promises more production-based consumer demand in future years and
therefore more demand for a fuller employment of existing labor and capital and more capital
investment in earlier years. Thus, a broader distribution of capital acquisition, ownership, and
income strengthens the promise of capital to pay for itself out of its future earnings, and makes
profitable the employment of more (and increasingly more productive) capital. Therefore, binary
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economists consider the return on capital is not only related to its scarcity, the wage rate, and the
interest rate, but also significantly related to the increasing productiveness of capital and the
distribution of its ownership. Thus, growth is positively related not only to increased labor
productiveness, increased capital investment, and accelerated technological advance, but is also
positively related to the distribution of capital acquisition.
The potent distributive relationship between capital acquisition and growth is called the
principle of binary growth. As a fundamental economic principle, it is unique to binary economics.
If valid, the principle binary growth will greatly enhance mainstream understanding of how to
economically empower poor and working people and thereby promote greater growth. This
principle therefore requires special attention. The question of binary growth will be explored more
fully in Part V below.
It is important, however, to emphasize that the asserted positive relationship between the
distribution of capital ownership and growth (i.e., the principle of binary growth) is not based on
the behavioral premise that people will work more productively if they have ownership stake in their
employer. Although most binary economists accept this behavioral premise as true, this behavioral
premise (that broader ownership will increase labor productiveness, and therefore cause growth) is
neither unique to binary economics nor inconsistent with mainstream economics. Rather, the unique
binary premise is that the promise of broader ownership, in and of itself, will cause the fuller
employment of existing capacity and greater growth.
Moreover, if valid, the principle of binary growth does not involve the involuntary
redistribution of any existing assets in which people have existing property rights. It is the growthenhancing
promise of broader ownership that gives rise to the voluntary transactions that produce
the broader ownership and growth.
The principle of binary growth is unique to binary economics. This distribution-based
relationship to the rate of return on capital and growth is not revealed by conventional classical and
neoclassical analysis that assume that the return on capital is a function of only its scarcity and labor
productivity, but not its independent productiveness and the distribution of its ownership. Likewise,
Keynesian analysis (which reduces the operation of the economy to time, money and labor) cannot
yield a conclusion that growth and the return on capital is an independent function of the
productiveness of capital and the distribution of its ownership.
Productiveness, Prices, Values and Efficiency: The binary approach to understanding
production also offers a new perspective on the impact of the broader distribution on price and value.
So long as most people own little or no capital, most consumer goods and services will be worth
the work people are willing to do by their labor to acquire them. This is (1) how Adam Smith and
John Maynard Keynes saw it, (2) the foundation of price theory and (3) in an economy in which
capital ownership is highly concentrated, "empirically" the "value of labor" and the foundation of
prices. However, in an economy in which ownership is much more broadly distributed, the value
of goods and services is not limited to the work people are willing and able to do by way of their
labor, but also includes the work they are willing and able to let their capital do. Without a horse,
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few sacks are "worth hauling" before the hauler becomes exhausted. With a horse, many more sacks
are worth hauling; and the economy of sack-hauling will grow as horse (and truck) ownership
becomes more broadly distributed. Thus people express value not only by the work they do but also
by the work they let their capital do.
Thus, from a binary perspective, (1) the technical relationship used in the theory of
marginal productivity that governs conventional understanding of the relative employment of
capital and labor in production and (2) the factor income shares derived from production are
significantly dependent on the distribution of access to capital acquisition with the earnings of
capital. In other words, the willingness of a laborer to work at given wage depends on his
competitive opportunity to acquire capital with its earnings and then receive its full net return.
(But without access to the same government-supported infrastructure available to wellcapitalized
people, the opportunity to acquire capital with the earnings of capital and thereby
through ownership to produce goods and express value is not open to most people as a practical
matter.) From a conventional economic perspective, in terms of its impact on pricing,
capital/labor substitution and employment, and factor income shares, the distribution of access
to capital ownership is either irrelevant or of only minor consequence.
Competitive market pricing requires (1) no barriers to entry, (2) voluntary (rather than
coerced) exchange, and (3) no monopolization of the means of production. Once it is recognized
that labor and capital are independent factors of production and that capital is increasingly the more
productive factor, then it becomes clear that broad, essentially universal, individual access to capital
acquisition is necessary before the presumed theoretical, allocational benefits of efficient pricing can
be fully realized.
III. BINARY AND CONVENTIONAL ECONOMIC STRATEGIES COMPARED
Accepting the labor-based, productivity paradigm of mainstream economics, governments
pursue strategies and policies that facilitate capital acquisition primarily for well-capitalized people
and jobs and welfare for everyone else. But binary analysis indicates that jobs and welfare cannot
distribute sufficient consumer income to employ fully employ existing capacity and promote
sustainable growth unless it is supplemented with the additional consumer income that naturally
results from the coupling of the increased productiveness of capital with a broader pattern of capital
acquisition paid for with the earnings of the capital acquired.
Based on mainstream economics, while government policies facilitate capital acquisition
with the earnings of capital primarily for well-capitalize people, the mainstream prescription for
poor and working people to acquire a viable capital estate is to work hard, save, and invest wisely.
However, binary economists note that the mainstream prescription for capital acquisition is not the
way most capital is presently acquired in modern industrial economies. In the USA, for example,
of the trillions of dollars of capital acquired each year, virtually all of it is paid for with the earnings
of capital, and much of it is acquired with borrowed money. Relatively little capital is acquired with
the earnings of labor. (See Endnote 6.) The preferred means among the rich to acquire new capital
is to buy it with non-recourse corporate credit and to repay the acquisition debt obligation with the
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income earned by the assets acquired.
To acquire capital with the earnings of capital, well capitalized people use (1) the pre-tax
earnings of capital, (2) collateral, (3) credit, (4) insurance and capital markets mechanisms to
diversify and reduce risk, and (5) a monetary policy intended to protect private property. No less
competitive a means is needed by middle class and poor people, who have little or no assets to place
at risk.
As explained in Section V, below, the same institutions and practices that work profitably
for well-capitalized people can also work profitably for all people. Moreover, in an economy
operating at less than full capacity, if capital can competitively pay for its acquisition costs out of
its future earnings primarily for existing owners, it can do so even more profitably if all people are
included in the capital acquisition process.
IV. THE BINARY PRIVATE PROPERTY SYSTEM
Although binary economics is premised on a unique theory of production, distribution,
and growth, it also rests on ancient principles of private property that find expression in the
Anglo-American common law and in the writings of John Locke.
Three Foundational Principles: The legitimacy of private property is premised on
three foundational principles:
(1) Universal participation,
(2) Distribution according to production and voluntary exchange, and
(3) Limitation when required to insure universal participation and distribution
according to production and voluntary exchange.
It should be noted that these three principles also express three essential conditions of an
efficient market.
Because (1) labor and capital are independently productive variables, (2) technology
makes capital much more productive than labor, and (3) in every industrial society almost all
capital is acquired with the earnings of capital, binary economists reason that compliance with
these private property principles and the conditions essential for market efficiency cannot be
achieved as long as the vast majority of people are excluded from the process by which capital
is acquired with the earnings of capital.
The competitive right to acquire capital with the earnings of capital: As a matter of
property law, a binary economy extends to all people "the binary property right" (i.e., the
competitive market right to acquire capital with the earnings of capital). More particularly, the
binary property right is the right to acquire capital with non-recourse credit and to repay the cost
of acquiring the capital with the pre-tax yield of the capital acquired. Strictly speaking, this
competitive capital acquisition right is a market right, not a welfare right. It is the right to
participate in a voluntary transaction with one or more willing parties.
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Using Institutional Precedents That Work: Combining the salient principles of (1) the
Homestead Acts (intended to broaden land ownership), (2) the employee stock ownership plan
(ESOP) technique of corporate finance (intended to broaden capital ownership by employees
by using tax exempt, limited liability trusts, as fiduciary agents for employees, to acquire shares
of employer stock with non-recourse credit, (3) a market for capital credit insurance (such as
that profitably provided by the Federal Housing Administration to broaden home ownership),
and (4) a return of the Federal Reserve to its original Congressional mandate under Section 13
of the Federal Reserve Act (intended to broaden access to capital credit) to allow for the
discounting of eligible productive private credit, binary economic analysis offers an entirely
voluntary means that would enable prime-credit-worthy companies to meet any portion of their
capital requirements while simultaneously enabling their employees, customers, neighbors and
others to acquire (with non-recourse credit) full-dividend shares of the participating companies
which would pay their full return (net of reserves for depreciation, research, and development
to maintain the competitive productive capacity of the capital) first to repay the capital
acquisition loan obligation and then to provide a capital source of income to supplement wages
and welfare benefits.
A Proposal for Instructional Purposes: There are many variations of binary financing
that can be applied in different contexts. For instructional purposes, Figure 1, below, sets forth
a structural representation of a single binary financing transaction. It also represents the
aggregate of all binary transactions within an economy. Figure 1 shows (1) a corporation, (2)
an ownership-broadening, constituency trust, (3) a lender, (4) a private capital credit insurer,
(5) a government reinsurer, and (6) the central bank. Corporations eligible to participate in
binary financing would be prime-credit-worthy companies. In the USA, these eligible
companies would generally (though not necessarily) number among the three-thousand or so
largest companies. The implementation of this proposed structural alternative for private capital
acquisition requires no transactions; but its provides the property rights basis enable market
participants voluntarily to price the value of broader ownership distribution.
On the strength of the pledged, anticipated profits of the capital acquired, and marketpriced,
capital credit loan insurance as a substitute for collateral, the lender loans funds to the
trust in return for a promissory note. The trust invests in "full-dividend" common stock of the
corporation at fair market value. With the cash received for the issuance of its stock, the
company makes the investment and (if all goes according to plan) distribute the income earned
on the capital investment to the ownership-broadening trust which uses the funds to repay the
loan obligations and then distributes all net earnings to the beneficiaries. Consistent with
necessary monetary discipline, the central bank is authorized to discount the trust's outstanding
promissory note at its administrative cost. Based on experience with present bank loan-service
charges, insurance charges of the Federal Housing Administration, and the administrative costs
Federal Reserve, the cost of borrowing to the constituency trust has been estimated at
approximately at less than 5% per year, consisting of (1) 2% bank service charge, (2) 2% for
5 Kelso, Louis O., and Patricia Hetter, pp 70-73, 108. (1986). Democracy and Economic Power:
Extending the ESOP Revolution through Binary Economics. Cambridge, MA: Ballinger Publishing Co.
6 For example, during the fifteen year period from 1989 through 2003, in the case of major prime
credit-worthy companies in the U.S.A., the sources of funds for capital acquisition, in approximate terms,
reveal that annually retained earnings accounted for at least 70% and more usually 80% of the capital
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the capital credit insurance and (3) 1/4% for the central banks administrative costs.5
Thus, in a binary economy, the logic of corporate finance (which enables corporations
to acquire capital before they have earned the money to pay for it, and which enables existing
owners to become richer on future corporate earnings even as they sleep) is extended
individually on market principles to all people even if they have no savings (or collateral to
secure credit) to invest.
The establishment of a binary economy is accomplished as a legal matter entirely through
traditional and largely well-settled means: by the revision of a few national laws related to banking,
corporations, employment, insurance, and taxation, and by the reliance on traditional corporate,
trust, financial, and insurance principles and institutions. According to binary theory, the effect of
these revisions is to extend to all people the competitive right to participate in capital acquisition
with the earnings of capital on market principles. It is this broadening ownership participation that
provides the basis for "binary growth," which is explained more fully in Section V below.
V. BINARY GROWTH:
The logic supporting the binary property/economic paradigm indicates that the voluntary
operation of a national binary economy on market principles will provide not only a broader
distribution of wealth and income, but also substantially more real growth than would a
traditional economy. As previously noted, because demand for capital investment is dependent on
demand for consumer goods in a future period, a voluntary pattern of steadily broadening ownership
promises more production-based consumer demand in future years and therefore more demand for
investment in earlier years. Thus, a broader distribution of capital acquisition, ownership, and
income strengthens the promise of capital to pay for itself out of its future earnings, and makes
profitable the employment of more (and increasingly more productive) capital.
Eligible Companies: The primary, practical application of the principle of binary growth
can be understood by considering the three thousand largest companies in the USA, and then
focusing on a subset comprised of prime-credit-worthy companies. At diminishing unit costs, most
of these companies can produce much more of the goods and services people dearly need and want;
but there is lacking the consumer demand to render more production profitable even at greatly
diminishing unit costs.
Presently through these corporations, almost all new capital is acquired with the earnings
of capital, and much of it is acquired with borrowed money.6 At the same time, the ownership
acquisition. Borrowing accounted for almost all of the rest. Sale of stock as a source of funds capital
acquisition never exceeded 5% during the period and was negative in most years (meaning that loans and
retained earnings were used to retire equity stock.) See Richard A.. Brealey & Stewart C. Myers, Franklin
Allen Principles of Corporate Finance Chapter14, pp 561-563 3rd edition, 2004). Stock Market Pricing
and Securities Regulation, (87 Mich. L. Rev., 613 at 648, 1988).
7 Edward N. Wolff, Top Heavy: A Study of Increasing Inequality in America (New York,
Twentieth Century Fund, 1995) and Edward N. Wolff, "How the Pie is Sliced: America's Growing
Concentration of Wealth," The American Prospect, No. 22, (Summer 1995), pp. 58-64.
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of this corporate wealth is highly concentrated so that approximately 1% of the people own 50%
of the wealth and 10% own 90% of the wealth, leaving 90% people owning little or none.7
Thus, capital returns its value at a rate reflective of its long-term (suppressed) earning capacity
as it buys itself for a small minority of the population. According to binary economics, if the
techniques of corporate finance presently used to enable existing owners to acquire capital with
the earnings of capital were opened competitively to all people then, the present demand for
capital investment and employment would increase in anticipation of the broadening
distribution of capital income to poor and working people with unsatisfied needs and wants.
Projecting Ownership-Distribution-Based Demand: Figure 2, set forth below, illustrates
the distributive, growth-sustaining feature of an ownership-broadening binary economy. For
simplicity, Figure 2 assumes a seven-year cost recovery period for capital investment, and it shows
the number of years of annual acquisitions that will have paid for themselves over time. Figure 2
assumes that in every year after the implementation of the binary economy, some number, N, of an
economy's largest prime credit-worthy companies have profitably utilized binary financing to
acquire in the aggregate some percentage, X, of their capital investments. Figure 2 also assumes
that the capital credit insurance is properly priced to pay for those financings that fail to repay
the acquisition loans so that N and X are net of those failures. Figure 2 also assumes for
simplicity, as a first iteration, that N, X, and the rate of return on capital remain constant throughout
the period.
Although beginning slowly, the broadening distribution of capital ownership and income will
increase steadily and thereby provide the basis for binary growth. Each year after the initial cost
recovery period of the most productive capital, more binary capital will have paid for itself and will
be distributing capital income to poor and working people. Consistent with the conservative
assumption of a seven-year capital cost recovery period, Figure 2 shows the steady growth in annual
capital acquisitions. In the eighth year, the first annual acquisition of capital will have paid for itself
and will begin paying its full return to the new binary owners. In the ninth year, the second annual
capital acquisition will be fully paid for and will therefore begin paying its full return to the new
binary owners. In fourteen years, 50% of the annual capital acquisitions will have paid for
themselves, and will have begun paying heir full annual return to the new binary owners. In the 28th
year, 75% of the acquisitions will have paid for themselves; and so on. In the long run, the linkage
between supply (in the form of the incremental productive power of capital) and demand (resulting
from the widespread market distribution of capital income to consumers) approaches 100%. The
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more binary financing that is undertaken, the greater the distributional growth effects.
Maintaining Market Share in a Growing Economy: To maintain market share in the
projected growing economy, producers will have to increase production and productive capacity
(more fully utilize existing capacity and acquire more capacity) before binary income begins to be
distributed to its new owners. Because present demand for capital goods is positively affected by
anticipated future demand for consumer goods, the broader pattern of capital acquisition and
resultant broader distribution of capital income should be reflected in increased capital spending
within the time frame required to acquire and employ the added capital necessary to increase
production to satisfy the additional anticipated consumer demand. Thus, for example, with a capital
cost recovery period of seven years, and a capital planning investment horizon of five years, market
incentives for increased capital spending by producers of consumer goods and services might
materialize in the third year. Furthermore, market incentives for increased capital spending and
labor employment by producers of producer goods and services might materialize in the first year.
Moreover, for additional reasons, the growth process might start as early as the first year.
First, to the extent that the return on the equity represented by the binary shares exceeds the
debt-servicing requirements, income will be available for payment to the binary beneficiaries before
completion of the capital recovery. Second, to the extent that consumers feel wealthier by reason
of their capital ownership, their marginal savings and consumption rates will shift towards more
consumption even before they begin to receive binary income. Furthermore, the terms of the loan
agreements may provide for increasing partial dividend payments directly to the beneficial owners
as specified percentages of the loans - and shares - become fully paid.
Demand and Supply In a Binary Time Frame: The logic supporting binary growth is
best understood within a "binary time frame"--the time expected for well-managed capital to pay
for its acquisition costs (a period usually no longer than seven years) and then to begin earning a net
income for its owners. This is a time period in which capital investment is variable rather than
fixed. Thus, within the context of perhaps a seven to fourteen years, if members of the poor and
middle classes are enabled to compete with existing owners for the acquisition of corporate
stock representing the capital requirements of companies worthy of prime credit, they would
bring to the bargaining table a chip not possessed by existing owners: a pent up appetite for the
necessities and simple luxuries of life that the rich have long enjoyed from capital income.
After the acquisition debt obligations have been satisfied, the earnings of capital acquired by
members of the poor and middle class, if fully paid to them, will create more production-based
consumer demand than if that capital had been acquired by the rich. If acquired by the rich,
most of the capital earnings would seek investment opportunities but in the context of weaker
consumer demand.
\ The growing capital-based consumer demand generated by binary financing over a
binary time frame will make more capital investment credit-worthy and profitable. The growing
capital-based consumer income will also make investment less risky, and therefore more
insurable, less expensive, and more profitable. Over the same period of time, in a traditional
economy, with relatively less capital-based consumer demand, capital investment will be riskier,
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and therefore more expensive, and less capital investment will be credit-worthy and profitable.
Growth and Broader Distribution Without Redistribution: From a binary perspective,
the incremental binary consumer income is neither inflationary nor redistributionary. It exists
only as a result of voluntary transactions and only if the underlying capital has earned income
sufficient first to return its acquisition cost and then to pay net income to its owners. Any
incremental consumer income generated in a binary economy is balanced by the antecedent
incremental production of goods and services of equal value.
By financing the ownership of productive capacity for people with substantial unsatisfied
needs and wants (essentially most people who presently earn little or no current consumer
income from capital ownership), participating companies may satisfy their projected
credit-worthy capital requirements while simultaneously encapitalizing their employees
consumers, neighbors, and others, thereby establishing a long-run self sustaining basis for
growth. This is a growth that does not require anyone to work harder or smarter. It is not
caused by an increase in capital investment, advancing technology, or any other traditional basis
for growth. It is not the result of a redistribution, because it only materializes from the broader
pattern of capital acquisition generated by the voluntary operation of the binary economy that
enable all people to acquire capital with the earnings of capital.
Thus, although the reforms indicated by binary theory may be criticized as an unwise
intervention in the market, the binary approach may be more fairly viewed as an opening of the
capital markets to all people; and a strong case can be made that a binary economy will operate
more openly and efficiently on market principles than any existing economy.
VI. THE NATURE OF THE BINARY GROWTH QUESTION
It is important to understand that the question of whether or not the principle of binary
growth is valid is not a question of value, but rather a question of fact: either there is a substantial,
positive relationship between the broader distribution of capital ownership and growth or there is
not. Whether a broader distribution of ownership or greater growth is good or bad, just or unjust,
or environmentally sustainable or not, may be debatable; but such questions are distinct to the
antecedent question of whether or not the pattern of capital acquisition has a substantial positive
relationship to growth. In principle, this question of fact is empirically resolvable, but to do so
requires the establishment of a real economy based on binary property rights, and that has yet
to happen. But time is long overdue for teaching, theoretical research and modeling of the basic
binary concepts.
8 "I came to appreciate the critical importance of the theory of (binary) capitalism; and....I felt
that its revolutionary insights and program should be briefly summarized in the form of a manifesto
addressed to all Americans who are concerned with the future of a democratic society....and with a
twentieth century interpretation of everyone's right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness....It was
with these discoveries in mind that I persuaded Louis Kelso to engage with me in writing The Capitalist
Manifesto." (The Capitalist Manifesto, Mortimer Adler's Preface at ix, xvii).
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VII. CONCLUSION
Binary economics presents an unusual challenge to educators. Its promise of
distribution-based growth may be a grand illusion whose logical or practical fallacy has eluded
a growing number of scholars and citizens throughout the world, or it may be one of the most
important new concepts to emerge in the twentieth century.8 It offers to harness technology
more fully by providing a voluntary market means to employ existing capacity and future
capital more profitably and to achieve a level of sustainable growth and distributive justice
beyond conventional understanding.
One of the most important purposes of education (and one of the highest roles of the
lawyer, economic advisor, and government official) is to assist people (and society) in
identifying and securing their essential opportunities, rights, and responsibilities Based on
mainstream economics, people are given no reason to believe that greater economic growth and
more broadly shared prosperity may be achieved voluntarily by opening the system of corporate
finance so that increasing numbers and eventually all people can acquire capital with the
earnings of capital. Although very few multi-millionaires fail to invest in a viable portfolio of
America's three thousand largest companies, the vast majority of people are not taught and
therefore have no understanding that they too might have a legitimate interest in participating
in that capital acquisition in a way that might be profitably realized voluntarily on market
principles.
When judged by the epistemological rigor of the hard sciences, the binary approach:
(1) is a distinct paradigm of market economics;
(2) rests on reasonable assumptions (at least as reasonable as those that
support mainstream economic theories);
(3) is internally consistent;
(4) has descriptive and prescriptive power at least as good as that based on
mainstream economic theories; and
(5) offers special promise to achieve a market basis for sustainable growth
that will systemically help poor and working people everywhere without
redistribution
As such, binary principles should be taught to students in important contexts in which the
conventional wisdom regarding the role of labor and capital in production, distribution,
efficiency and growth is explicitly taught as part of the positive or normative analysis With an
understanding of binary economics, people will be in a better position to comprehend their
economic, political, ethical, moral, and other personal choices; and as educated professionals
they will also be in a better position to assist others regarding such choices.
Figure 1 - General Theory Diagram
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Figure 2
Linking Supply With Demand Through Broadening Ownership
Percent of
Binary Capital
Acquisitions
that Fully Link
Supply with
Demand